Nepal: Kiran’s (Baidya’s) Challenge to Dahal (Prachanda)

[In the recent Central Committee meeting of the UCPN(M) in Nepal, the rightist parliamentarian line of the Party Chairman Dahal was being consolidated while Kiran (Baidya) raised and struggled for an opposing political proposal.  Those who are struggling to understand the two line struggle in Nepal, which has been sharply debated ever since, 5 years ago, since the ending of the People’s War, will find this paper by Kiran an essential contribution toward understanding this juncture. — Frontlines ed.]

Political Proposal of  Comrade  Kiran

‘The immediate political proposal’ presented by comrade chairman in the
politburo meeting held on April 20, 2011 and also in the present central
committee meeting is against the fundamental spirit of the political line
adopted by the central committee meeting held soon after the Palungtar
extended meeting. Expressing my dissenting opinion on chairman’s proposal,
I, therefore, would like to present a separate political proposal in this
committee.

1. Two main problems at present

The country is now in a grave political crisis.  We have now two main
problems: They are: problems related to class struggle or national struggle
and problem related to two-line struggle in the party. The problem
concerning national struggle is related to the problem in correctly
identifying the class enemy and the problem in effectively advancing the
struggle against it. Now the reactionaries, on the one hand, are conspiring
to convert our party- Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)- into a
reformist and status-quoist party by pushing it to the grand parliamentary
quagmire and should this plan fail, they are plotting to resort to
suppression against our party, one the other. We must understand this truth
properly. In the same way, the two-line struggle in the party is getting
complicated and this is also the expression of class struggle. We also must
be serious on the issue of properly understanding the two-line struggle and
advancing it in a comradely manner.

Now families of martyrs, families of disappeared warriors, and injured and
disabled warriors are expecting from our parties to realize their
aspirations and dreams of liberation. The entire Nepali people including
workers, peasants, women, dalits ( oppressed), janajaties ( nationalities)
Muslims and all backward people and classes as well as the international
proletarian class, too, are watching at our party as a centre of hope for
their bright future. We must pay our attention to all these factors.

A true communist party and its leaders must seek scientific solution to
these problems. Otherwise, the validity and justification of such leadership
would automatically come to an end. We must be very serious on this issue.

2.   On Chairman’s proposal

The political proposal presented by comrade chairman is against the
fundamental spirit of the political line and policies based on the political
proposal adopted by the central committee which was a continuation of the
sixth extended meeting of the central committee held in Palungtar. In this
connection, it is necessary to give due attention to the following matters:

In the first place, comrade Chairman’s proposal has rejected the political
line adopted by the central committee convened as per the directives of the
Palungtar plenum. The earlier political line of the party was rejected in
the name of ‘clarifying confusions in the political line and modifying the
plans of actions in view of the new developments and changed context”. On
the one hand, comrade Chairman, in his proposal, has avoided the issue
concerning the review of the situation emerged after the Palungtar plenum
and he has also reincorporated his own views in it. Herein has been used
sophism against dialectic materialism.

Secondly, in the document on political line that was adopted after the
thorough analysis of national and international situation by the central
committee in accordance with the mandate of the Palungtar plenum, it was
stated: “The party has adopted the establishment of people’s federal
republic as the immediate tactics. It has adopted a clear-cut policy of
consolidating mass insurrection for the establishment of people’s federal
republic or people’s republic through struggles from three
fronts-constitution, peace and government-with priority to street struggle
on the basis of four preparations and four bases. The party has also made it
clear that it has to move ahead by consolidating the movement taking up
issues of national independence, people’s supremacy and other burning issues
directly related to the people including their livelihood. Now it is urgent
for the party to act in practice by formulating concrete action plans on the
basis of this political line”.

But the political proposal presented now has stated, “As a part of four
preparations and four bases, it is necessary to take ahead the process of
army integration and rehabilitation and prepare a unified draft of the
constitution and take it to the people for debate, despite differences on
some key issues including the ones related to state restructuring,
governance structure and electoral system”. It is clear that the proposed
proposal does not match with the spirit of earlier report adopted by the
central committee as directed by the Palungtar plenum. This proposal has
rejected the political line adopted by the central committee held after the
Palungtar plenum.

Thirdly, citing the intensification of conspiracy of imperialists,
expansionists and reactionaries to break the peace process, dissolve the
Constituent Assembly, impose tyranny  on the people and seize the
achievements of the ‘ People’s War” and popular movement,  the chairman’s
political proposal has stated the necessity to immediately integrate the
army and prepare a unified draft of the constitution to foil the conspiracy.
This logic is based on pessimistic and capitulationist thinking that
considers reactionaries stronger than their real strength and sees only the
negative aspects of the situation. This is monolithic thinking which is
against the materialistic dialecticism that believes in the thinking that
the political line and tactics should be adopted on the basis of concrete
analysis of concrete situation.

Fourthly, this document does not contain the correct and scientific answer
of the question as to why the revolutionary political line could not be
implemented.  In the report, the role of the main leadership for its failure
to concrete on four preparations and four bases that was required for the
mass insurrection has been described as the secondary one while ‘ rising
factionalism, anarchy, confusion and suspicions in the party and
antagonistic and separatist activities, which are in fact, secondary
factors, have been cited as the primary reasons.

Fifthly, comrade chairman, in various parts of his report, has, as usual,
raised three lines or trends in the party. But there are only two trends in
the party at present. The parliamentarism and inertia are not two separate
trends but fundamentally one.

3.  Some Ideological Questions

It is necessary in the present juncture to pay due attention to some
ideological questions in order to develop the communist party into a new
kind of communist party and to effectively advance the tasks of revolution.
These ideological questions are as follows:

Firstly, it is the question relating to dissecting one into two and
integrating the two into one. This is the question that is related to
intense struggle between dialectics and eclecticism in the ideological front
and between class struggle and class coordination in the political arena.
The principle of dissecting one into two is based on dialectical materialism
and integrating two into one is based on eclecticism and class coordination.
In this crucial juncture, we must firmly stand in favour of dialectical
materialism and class struggle and against eclecticism and class
coordination.

The second issue is related to the relationship between imperialism and
revisionism.  Engels had said that capitalist party or the party of elite
workers was being developed in the first monopolized country England. After
that Lenin had also especially mentioned that capitalism had taken the form
of imperialism which has resulted in the development of revisionist parties
of the elite workers in different countries and its consequently resulted in
split and fragmentation in the communist movement. Now imperialism, which is
the highly developed form of capitalism, has projected itself in a new form
and cover. Against this background, the alliance between imperialism and
revisionism is also being developed into a new form and colour.
Factionalism, division and opportunism in any revolutionary communist party
are the expression of this alliance. True revolutionary communists must be
alert against the alliance between imperialism and revisionism.

Thirdly, it is related to the question that seeks to turn the tactics of
Constituent Assembly into the strategy.  In the process of capitalist
democratic revolution, proletarian class can present the tactics of
Constituent Assembly and this can be viewed as a correct tactics as well.
But we have to be alert to ensure that such tactics would not be allowed to
turn into the strategy. This is so because reactionaries can utilize the
Constituent Assembly for their own interests. If the constituent assembly
slipped out of the control of proletarian class, it shall have no meaning
and validity. In such a situation, people’s constitution cannot be made from
the constituent assembly.

Fourth question is related to the tendency of opposing revolutionary Marxism
and advocating revisionism in the name of creativity, originality and
newness. The history of international communist movement as well as Nepali
communist movement has proved that all kinds of rightist and revisionists
have been unleashing onslaught against revolutionary Marxism and Marxists in
the name of creativity, originality and newness. The revisionists describe
revolutionary Marxism as old Marxism, dogmatism and conservative Marxism and
in the same way they describe revolutionary Marxists as traditionalists,
conservatives and dogmatists. Right from Bernstein, all rightists,
revisionists, so-called neo-communists and all post-modernists have been
doing exactly the same. Many revolutionaries also get scared from this
reactionary onslaught and it is necessary to be clear on this matter as
well.

Fifthly, this is the issue relating to the understanding of liquidationism.
The characteristics of the liquidationism is to abandon revolutionary
ideology and communist party that is guided by revolutionary ideology and
revolutionary political line and struggle and also to give emphasis on
legitimate and legal actions in all fronts. It is also necessary to become
alert to ensure that we are not going to be degenerated into liquidationism.

4.   Brief Review of situation after Palungtar meeting

The two-line struggle had reached a climax in the extended meeting of the
central committee held in Palungtar of Gorkha district. Finally, the meeting
reached a conclusion with the mandate of transformation, unity and mass
insurrection. In the central committee meeting held after the Palungtar
plenum, a political document had been adopted by integrating positive
aspects of the reports of comrade Prachanda and comrade Kiran on the one
hand and decision had been taken to  discuss the rest of the issues in
appropriate forums and settle them in the next national congress or
assembly. With the conclusion that it was necessary to establish people’s
federal republic and protect national independence and that the principal
contradiction of the people of Nepal was with domestic reactionaries and
Indian expansionism, the meeting had decided to make four preparations and
four bases for the mass insurrection. Similarly, a five-point formula had
been adopted on the issues concerning two-line struggle. This kind of
decision had rekindled a new hope and enthusiasm in the entire rank and file
of the party and among the people. But concrete progress could not be made
in the process of translating the political line into action.

Despite many complications, orientation (schooling) programmes both at the
central and local level were held in different regions after the meeting.
But situation was not favourable to move ahead with concrete plans. The
implementation of the party’s political line was obstructed not only by
those who had disagreement in it but also from a large section of those who
had agreed on it.  In addition to this, the main leadership exhibited duel
character of acceptance of the political line in words and objection to it
in action. Efforts were also made to create rift and create enmity among
those who had agreement on the political line from top to bottom. Party
chairman demonstrated some example of duel characters by advocating mass
insurrection with one section of the people and openly opposing with the
others. He, one the one hand, said that constitution writing was impossible
and he, at the same time, said the constitution would be written by midnight
of May 28. Similarly, he said with one section of the people that the
formation of people’s volunteers was a must and said with other people that
this idea was bad. Not only this, he, on the one hand, signed a seven-point
agreement and helped form the government, while he tried to pull down the
government by entering into 12-point agreement. These are some of the duel
characters and double standards of party chairman.  It has proved that there
has not yet been revolutionary transformation in the main leadership of the
party. The main leadership is, therefore, responsible for the failure of
implementing the political line of the party.

Analyzing the entire situation right from the Palungtar plenum, the
following conclusion can be made regarding the main leadership. 1. From
class perspectives, the main leadership has ceased to trust the lower class
but has started trusting the upper class or reactionary class and the trend
of class uplifting has been strong in the leadership. 2.  Ideologically, it
is oriented to eclecticism and anarchic evolution. 3. Politically, it is
moving from centrism to reformism and national capitulation. Special efforts
are, therefore, necessary to take the ideological struggle to a newer height
and reverse this trend.

Finally, what must be mentioned here is that comrade chairman has raised a
question why the rule concerning the two-line struggle was not implemented.
This is a serious matter. When ideological and political line is separated
from the rule and principle of democratic centralism, this gives rise to a
grave situation. This issue requires massive and intensive discussion.

5.   Present political situation

Now , the process of  imperialist globalization has been deepening in an
swifter manner, on the one hand, while the competition among the imperialist
powers has also slowly intensifying. The contradiction between imperialism
and oppressed countries is the principal contradiction in the present day
world. In addition to that, Asia, Africa and Latin America are the turbulent
center of revolution and the revolution is the principal trend of the world
at present.

At this juncture, the principal contradiction of the Nepalese people is with
the domestic reactionaries under the leadership of comprador capitalism and
Indian expansionism. The process of ingratiation and neo-colonialism has
intensified in Nepal. Now there has not only been serious conspiracy against
the process and objective of constitution writing through the Constituent
Assembly but at the sometime our national independence is also under threat.
In this situation, it is necessary to turn the existing political crisis
into the revolutionary crisis, for which we must be serious.

At this crucial time, it is necessary to analyze the political situation
mentioned  in the political report presented by comrade chairman and discuss
the conclusion made on the basis of this analysis. In this proposal, it has
been stated that the possibility of implementing the plan of utilizing the
political crisis to turn it into revolutionary crisis by May 28 is getting
impossible. In the report it has been pointed out the possibility of
constitutional vacuum after May 28 and it has raised the possibility of
presidential rule or some kind of coup to be staged by the president. In
view of this situation, the report of the chairman has made a conclusion on
the necessity of army integration and preparation of the draft constitution.
We need to be clear that the report of the chairman has neither objectively
analyzed the situation nor has it made correct conclusion. In fact, it is a
capitulationist conclusion made on the basis of monolithic analysis of the
situation. As a matter of fact, there would not be any constitutional crisis
even if the constitution was not promulgated by May 28. It is so because the
Interim Constitution has the provision that states that the Constituent
Assembly would continue to exist until the new constitution is promulgated.
If anyone tries to stage a coup violating the constitutional provision,
there would be a possibility of stormy people’s revolution, which may create
the situation that would pave the way for turning the political crisis into
the revolutionary crisis. The revolutionary forces need to give especial
attention to utilizing this situation for mass insurrection. But comrade
chairman’s attention has never been directed towards this possibility.

In the same way, some responsible people, one the one hand, are deliberately
blocking the process of constitution writing and they are, at the same time,
spreading  the rumour to confuse the people and convince them that
constitution writing process has been obstructed by the Maoists, on the
other.

In addition to this, some planned criminal activities like explosions,
shooting the inmate inside prison, fatal assault on Energy Minister and
shooting the staff of diplomatic mission of certain country have been
carried out. These incidents are seriously linked with the issue of
nationalism. Now the constitution writing is related not only with democracy
but also with the issue of national independence.

In such a situation, the fury in the mind of Nepalese people against
domestic and international reactionaries is deepening. People want to
conclude the peace process in a revolutionary way, write the constitution
through the Constituent Assembly and solve the problems related to people’s
livelihood, for which they have established and accepted the UCPN-Maoist as
the dependable and trustworthy party. If the constitution is not written and
intensification of danger on national independence grows, it is certain that
people’s fury would further intensify.

In overall sense, the objective situation for revolution and mass
insurrection is still favourable.  But subjective situation is weak and
unfavorable, to some extent. Despite this, if we advance our tasks of
unifying the party and the task related to four preparations and four bases,
we cannot rule out the possibility of transforming the political crisis into
revolutionary crisis and give the mass insurrection a practical shape within
the predetermined time. Hence,  we, correctly assessing the revolutionary
objective situation, need to pay special attention to the preparation of
subjective situation.

6.  Immediate Political Line, Policy and Action Plan

The principal political line of the revolution to be completed in a country
like Nepal which is in semi-feudal and semi colonial state is and should be
based on the grand objective of advancing to socialism and communism through
the completion of new people’s democratic revolution. The new people’s
democratic revolution to be completed in Nepal is based on the strategy of
unifying patriotic, democratic and communist forces and also the general
mass under the leadership of proletarian class against feudalism and
imperialism. To complete this type of revolution in the present unique
national and international context, establishment of people’s federal
republic, protection of national independence and resolution of fundamental
problems related to the livelihood of the people are the subjects of
principal political tactics of our party. This type of principal strategic
tactics is closely related with peace, constitution and mass insurrection as
their integral part.

The repression, counter revolution and the conspiracy of the reactionary
forces to impose tyranny on the people cannot be resisted through
capitulationist style like integrating armies and writing the status-quoist
constitution. This can be done only by intervening from the government,
mobilizing the people e on the streets and effectively advancing the
exposure campaign and also by giving practical shape to the tasks concerning
the four preparations and four bases.

Mass insurrection is not something that can be accomplished within the
predetermined time. Instead it is based on the synthesis of objective and
subjective situation. The logic that says the mass insurrection is not
possible within the predetermined time is in no way meant for army
integration in a capitulationist manner and promulgation of the status
quoist constitution. The mass insurrection is possible in any circumstance
and especial emphasis should be given for its preparation.

In this context, we need to move ahead in the following ways:

a.  On Constitution

·    ‘People’s Federal Republic’ to be mentioned in the preamble of the
constitution.

·  The report of the committee concerning state restructuring to be
made its basis.

·  On the question of governance structure, the largest number of
votes in the sub-committee to be made its basis.

· Basic priority to be given to workers, peasants, women, oppressed,
nationalities and the people belonging to backward areas including Mashes.

·  Constitution with the essence of anti-feudalism and
anti-imperialism to be formulated

·  The party should draft a brief constitution based on these
subjects and take it to the people

b.  On Army Integration

·   Not to accept regrouping without deciding the modality

·  Security related policy to be formulated prior to the army
integration

·  People’s Liberation Army to be integrated as a separate or mixed
force and its command to remain with the People’s Liberation Army

·   People’s Liberation Army to be given  the responsibility of border
security force

c.    On relation between the constitution and army integration

·   People’s Liberation Army to be established as the principal force
for change in Nepal

·  Formulation of people’s constitution and army integration to be
completed simultaneously

d.  On government

·   The present government to be given continuity

·  Representatives to be sent to the cabinet on proportionate and
inclusive basis

e.  On Organizational task

·  Freeing the party from all kinds of wrong thoughts and trends like
groupism and splitist trend,  struggle to be launched to build a new type of
communist party

·  In the local level, party, youth force, fronts and committees to
be effectively organized

·   Mobilization of people, service to the people and the disclosure
campaign to be made systematic and to be organized more effectively.

·  Considering the present national necessity, a united front of
patriotic, democratic and communist forces to be created also in the central
level.

·  The task concerning division of responsibility to be made more
organized

f.   On mobilization of people, service to the people and exposure
campaign

The fundamental issues of this campaign are as follows:

·   Peace and constitution

·   Defence of national independence and sovereignty, annulment of
unequal treaties and agreements including 1950 Treaty, resistance against
external interference including border encroachment.

·  Campaign against killing, hooliganism and insecurity

·   Rs one million to be given to the family of the martyrs,
disappeared warriors to be made public, appropriate relief to be given to
injured and disabled fighters.

·  Campaign to control price hike and corruption

·  All old and new cases against the Maoists to be withdrawn

April 22, 2011
Kiran

Vice chairman

UCPN(Maoist)

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